Irish bitterness threatens to derail Brexit. Time for a tougher line?

Once again this week, the EU has sought to meddle in British internal affairs by trying to create of constitutional crisis over Northern Ireland, in the hope of scuppering Brexit.

The question of the Irish border between north and south, and Ulster’s status within the UK, has been used a political football by callous Eurocrats.

Yet, the most alarming thing about this episode is the apparent willingness of the Eire government to stoke flames of conflict, with a blatantly opprtunistic bid to fulfill it’s expansionary agenda of subsuming the British province of Ulster into the Irish state.

The Irish leader knows he playing with fire. Yet, old habits die-hard. And for the Irish, Britphobia is one of the oldest.

Image result for brits out

The Good Friday Agreement, signed in 1998 – bringing an end to “The Troubles” – seemed to herald a new era of peace and cooperation.

Indeed, when the financial crisis hit in 2008, the Irish state required a bailout after less than a century of independence – the British taxpayer obliged their profligate neighbours to the tune of £8 billion.

One would think this humiliation would be fresh in Irish minds. Yet, they shamelessly look to make life difficult for their creditors.


Clearly, the old nationalist mantra of “Britain’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity” – coined by nationalist leader James Connelly as he joined World War 1 on Germany’s side – seems to have inspired the current government.

Indeed, the ruling Fine-Gael party descends from “Blue-Shirts” – Irishmen who fought for Franco’s fascist Spain.

Image result for irish blueshirts Fine Gael Fascists

Irish and European fascists colluding to destroy British liberty is nothing new. During World War 2, Connelly’s mantra saw nationalists conspire with Nazi intelligence to effect an invasion of Britain through Ulster – hoping Germany would install them as a puppet government. The Irish state also helped Nazis flee justice.


Such treachery should never be forgotten when dealing with Irish grievance politics.

The GFA merely changed nationalist tactics from planting bombs in school buses, to pursuing political ends.

Irish PM Varadkar threatens to stall Brexit talks unless he is given ‘guarantees’ over the Irish border – with the tacit implication that the IRA will resume their bombing campaign.

So, why is Britain accepting this from a third-rate power who, after all, is one of our debtors?

The only answer comes from our government’s apparent willingness to capitulate in the face of every EU demand. The opportunistic Irish have sought to take advantage of this weakness in British leadership.

Yet, as the Irish know all too well, British leadership isn’t always week. Conversly, however, just as in our negotiations with the EU, we hold all the aces in this dispute with Ireland.

They need us, we don’t need them.

Their entire economy is underpinned by exports to Britain. An assertive British government would threaten massive tariffs on Irish imports, which would cripple that economy and bring the nationalist government down – Fine Gael knows this all too well. It’s gambling with the future of its own people for the sake of a sectarian dream.

A more assertive British government would call in Ireland’s debts, or even better, sell them – see if saudi Arabia would like to become creditors to Eire.

But the implied threat of a return to violence that should be the most worrying thing. The possibility of an IRA bombing campaign against our democratic vote might unleash hostile forces in this country. Assertive forces.

The British government must make it clear to Dublin that she will also suffer as a consequences of a return to violence. During the last conflict, Dublin was known to be sheltering and aiding numerous terrorists who had murdered and maimed on Britain’s streets.

We showed undue leniency to the Dublin government on that occasion.

Image result for ira atrocities in england

It must be made clear to Dublin that such leniency will not be extended in case of a resumption of violence and that she will be seen as a combatant in this particular conflict, as a consequence of her current incendiary actions.

The threat of the RAF flying visiting their capital should be enough for the Irish to hunt down the terrorists still living in their midst.

This might sound extreme, but Dublin’s position is extremely dangerous for Britain and they should be made aware of this in no uncertain terms.

All options should be on the table when it comes to our national security.

Yet, with the pro-EU British government selling us down the river, our strength isn’t so obvious and even less likely to be asserted.

If Brexit-Britain is going to reassert itself on the world stage, allowing 3rd rate powers to threaten our national sovereignty isn’t the way to do it.

Perhaps Ireland could become an unwitting accomplice in making Britain great again. They’ve given us occasion to show we won’t be trifled with, we should grab that. Making an example of Ireland could and should be the first step in a new era of British assertiveness.

Of course Ireland could avoid such an escalation and call off hostilities.

Think carefully Dublin.

Image result for Dublin Bombings 1974 Talbot St









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